The article deals with the historical destiny of the curiae and other institutions connected with them in the system of Roman free cities-municipia. The common opinion of experts (C. Sánchez Albornoz, M. I. Rostovtzeff, A. H. M. Jones and some others) is that Roman municipal institutions (including the curiales) disappeared in the former Roman Hispanic provinces no later than the middle of the 7^th century. In contrast to this opinion, the article suggests another view of one of the classical problems of Roman studies, based on Hispanic primary sources from the 4^th–9^th centuries (including those of Arab-Hispanic origin). Information found in these sources points to the preservation of influential local oligarchies (including the Hispanic families of Roman origin which governed their cities in the epoch of the Visigothic Kingdom of Toledo) in Córdoba and Seville in the period following the Moslem invasion; at the same time, we see the influence of urban councils (senatus or curiae of the Latin texts), consisting of representatives of these families in the same cities. The fact of continuity and transformation of the curiae (consisting of successors of the Late Roman principales) is confirmed in the case of other cities and urban centers of Andalucia. The central and northern regions of Iberian Peninsula demonstrate the same tendency. Particular attention is paid to the role of bishops as successors of the Late Roman magistrates tradition and to the comites civitatum as a position which was genetically connected with the Roman urban government since the period of the 5^th–6^th centuries and which existed until the end of the Early Middle Ages at least.

The article analyzes the image of the Roman past of Hispanic cities, as reflected in works created after the Moslem conquest of the 8^th century. Writers who wrote in Arabic had no reliable information about Roman architectural inheritance and tried to compensate for this fact by using other sources, such as prejudices, myths, legends and fantasies. Works of the descriptive genre (al-masãlik wa-l-mamãlik) demonstrate this tendency most clearly. The books written by the Arab Hispanic author al-Idrīsī (12^th century) and the Persian writer al-Ḥimyarī (15^th century) belong to this genre. Al-Ḥimyarī had never been to Spain (al-Andalus) but was very interested in this country and left a very detailed description of it. Both writers reflected the image of Merida in their works. This city had great importance in Roman and Visigothic times. Strange interpretations of the functions of some Roman buildings in Merida (theater, amphitheater, aqueduct, forum, triumphal arches and others) found in the work of al-Ḥimyarī were frequently taken from al-Idrīsī. The fantastic interpretation of the origin of the name of Merida (“residence of an honorable or noble man”: mashkīn ashsharīf) suggested by al-Ḥimyarī had the same source. At the same time, much better grounded information included in the work of al-Rāzī (written in the 10^th century) was disregarded. The main cause of these incorrect interpretations was a lack of knowledge of Roman municipal life in the case of Arabic writers.

The article provides an analytical review of references that contain oeconyms related to the people named Rus’ in the 10^th century in Arabic, Byzantine, Old Russian and Old Scandinavian written traditions. Critical assessment of the identification of oeconyms from these texts in different languages and from different times requires us to reject the historiographical inertia of perceiving urban history of the 10^th century through the prism of the narrative of “The Primary Chronicle” from the beginning of the 12^th century. If we don’t resort to the artificial etymological fitting of oikonyms from different traditions, then out of 25 Old Russian annalistic names of cities 2 or 3 names are reflected in two treaties from 911 and the 930s — first half of 940s, 1 name is reflected in an Arabic text from the 920–950s, 4 or 5 — in a Greek text from the 950s, 4 — in earlier Scandinavian texts, and 5 — in later texts. At least 10 oikonyms from the Arabic, Greek and Scandinavian writing traditions are not known to the earliest Russian Chronicles. A comparison of lists of oikonyms from different traditions allows us to suggest that they reflected three phases of the process of urbanization of Eastern Europe: the first — the appearance of Scandinavian emporia in the 9^th — first half of the 10^th century; the second — crystallization of the core of the Rurikid polity around Kyiv in the first half of the 10^th century; the third — the final expansion of the Rurikids at the end of the 10^th — middle of the 11^th century. It was during the last stage when a “map” of Rus’ cities was formed that is reflected in “The Primary Chronicle” from the beginning of the 12^th century, therefore it would be unjustified methodologically to project this late “map” onto earlier periods.

This article deals with the problem of interpreting the third book of the poem ‘Praises of God” (De Laudibus Dei) by the late antique Carthaginian poet Blossius Aemilius Dracontius. Since the poem is formally of theological character, researchers usually regard it as a Christian anti-pagan manifesto. However, comparison with other works by Dracontius, including the epyllia ‘The Abduction of Helen’ (De Raptu Helenae), ‘The Tragedy of Orestes’ (Orestis Tragoedia), and ‘Medea”, as well as ‘The Atonement’ (Satisfactio), written in prison as a verse plea for mercy, allows us to see in it political allegories that highlight other challenges relevant to the author’s contemporary period. In particular, Dracontius has in mind the collapse of the Roman Empire and the emergence of barbarian kingdoms, the associated redistribution of spheres of influence, and the struggle for power between the old and new elites. Manipulating textbook historical and mythological plots, the Roman poet constructs a didactic model focused on both of these groups in the Vandal kingdom, one that allows him to consider himself a significant political influencer. The conclusions of the article shed light on the relationship between the “intellectual” Roman and the “military” Vandal noble groups in North Africa at the turn of the 5^th and 6^th centuries.

This article is devoted to the role of royal counselors and nobles in Hincmar of Reims’s political concept. The study is based on political instructions of the prelate of Reims, such as “De regis persona et regio ministerio” and “De ordine palatii”, as well as the letters of the archbishop and his compilation of the Annals of St Bertin. Analysis of Hincmar’s texts shows that royal power was based on harmony between the king, the nobility, and the clergy. Drawing attention to contemporary events, the prelate of Reims criticizes both representatives of the nobility in the Kingdom of the West Franks, and the kings who indulge them. In Hincmar’s opinion, the only way for a king to rule virtuously and rightfully is to rely on the advice of just and wise counselors. The virtues of the royal inner circle are the same as the virtues of the king: justice, mercy, wisdom, piety, humility. The Reims prelate envisions a bishop as the ideal royal advisor. Moreover, since the priest is responsible to the Lord for the king’s deeds, he must strictly observe the fulfilment of king’s duties. In this regard, Hincmar constructs the office of an apocrisiarius-archcapellan, an envoy from the Frankish episcopate, who would supervise all church affairs at court and guide the king’s ethics as well.

In the second half of the 11^th century, having completed the political conquest of England, William I undertook to establish control over the local church. To do this, he initiated a religious reform in his new possessions, which was led by the Archbishop of Canterbury Lanfranc (1070–1089) and his followers. This reform, directed against the “old” clergy, endangered the position of many religious centers associated with local cults. The reaction to it was the emergence of a wave of hagiographic literature, designed to legitimize both the cult itself and the status of the community representing the saint. The article is devoted to the analysis of the main features and assessment of the political role of hagiography of the late 11^th — early 12^th centuries, based on the case of the Lives of St. David and St. Beuno, which were directed against the reforms of both Lanfranc and his successors. From the beginning of the 12^th to the beginning of the 13^th century the appeal to the image of St. David and his Life were the main tools of the bishops of St. Davids in their struggle to gain the status of an archbishopric, which would remove the issue of the subordination of the Welsh clergy to Canterbury. Each stage of the confrontation was accompanied by the appearance of a new edition of the text. The Life of St. Beuno, which displayed signs of actualization at the beginning of the 12^th century, expressed the fear of local religious communities to lose part of their income due to active hostilities in East of Wales. Despite all the efforts of the Welsh clergy, by the end of the 13^th century the influence of the king of England and English church hierarchs on local dioceses was already unquestionable.

The article is devoted to reconstructing the social context of the works of Geoffrey of Monmouth, one of the most prominent 12^th-century English historical writers. For this, a corpus of documents is analyzed, in which Geoffrey himself and his probable patrons appear, as well as the textual history of the historian’s writings, primarily the “On the deeds of the Britons”. This analysis make it possible to put forward a number of conclusions. Geoffrey himself most likely belonged to a family of Breton immigrants to England, although there is no direct evidence of this. Geoffrey’s patron in the 1130s and the 1140s, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, was part of the entourage of the Anglo-Breton baron Brian Fitz-Count, court knight of King Henry I, and later one of the leading supporters of his daughter, Empress Matilda. It is most likely that it was through Brian that Walter and Geoffrey got in touch with Robert, Earl of Gloucester, Empress Matilda’s brother and dedicatee of the original version of the “On the deeds of the Britons”. Perhaps it was through Brian and his wife Matilda that a copy of Geoffrey’s book came to the Norman Abbey of Bec, where it was found in January 1139 by another English historian, Henry of Huntingdon. Around 1141, possibly due to the failures of the ‘Angevin’ party and Brian personally, Archdeacon Walter began to establish contacts with King Stephen’s supporters, including with representatives of the Beaumont family, one of whom, Count Waleran, became the dedicatee of a slightly revised version of the ‘On the deeds of the Britons’.

This article analyzes the welcoming speeches made by Scottish intellectuals during the journey of James VI and I Stuart to Scotland in 1617. These speeches, composed by the intellectu als themselves, reflected Scottish renaissance ideas on the status of Scotland. On the one hand, through such adresses Scottish intellectuals obtained the possibility to communicate with the crown and to express their attitude to the union of the two crowns and the king’s desire to reform the Scottish church. The author of the article pays special attention to the fact that Scottish intellectuals acknowledged the union of Scotland and England but perceived it as a union of two autonomous kingdoms. Using narratives drawn
from Scottish history, intellectuals depicted for King James VI and I Stuart the historical independence of Scotland from English kings and the freedom of the Scottish Kirk from the influence of Rome.

On the other hand, King James VI and I Stuart himself was part of this intellectual Scottish community, acting as patron for universities, colleges, and the intellectual community itself. In conclusion we notice that the welcoming speeches were similar in their content, depicting the glorious history of Scotland with the aim to extol Scottish culture and their Scottish King James VI and I Stuart.

The transformation of ideas about the Wars of the Roses in British historical memory has been studied insufficiently. It is believed that the 17^th–18^th centuries were an era of stagnation, when this conflict was interpreted in the way of Shakespeare’s “Historical chronicles”. The 19^th century, on the contrary, was marked by a revolution in historical thought. The purpose of this article is to test the established point of view. The analysis showed that the transformation of the images of the Wars of the Roses in the historical memory of the British was smooth, not intermittent. During the 17^th–18^th centuries the rehabilitation of the main participants in the conflict began. For example, Richard III was no longer considered a monster and a hunchback, and Margaret of Anjou lost her reputation as an ambitious and short-sighted woman and turned into a heroic defender of the rights of the Lancaster dynasty. The chronological framework was narrowed from 1399–1485 to 1450– 1485, finally, the Wars of the Roses were no longer considered the bloodiest and most unpleasant segment of English history. Changes during the 17^th–18^th centuries paved the way for further evolution of views on this conflict and became the foundation for the historical constructs of 19^th century researchers.

The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of two French politicians of the 19^th century, François Guizot and Napoleon Bonaparte. At first glance, Guizot — a scholar-intellectual, a liberal, a convinced pacifist, a well-known historian and one of the most unpopular French politicians — is the complete opposite of Napoleon Bonaparte, one of the most controversial, but at the same time one of the most popular heroes of French history: an anti-liberal and authoritarian ruler, a general who tried to conquer Europe with fire and sword. However, a careful comparative analysis shows that they had a lot in common. Their destinies were inextricably linked with the Revolution, both of them attached great importance to educational policy, both understood the importance of the religious factor, and both stood at the origins of a united Europe, although they proposed to act in completely different ways. Both have had a very difficult historiographical fate. Guizot and Napoleon are also brought together by very contradictory assessments in historical science. The careers of both Napoleon and Guizot ended in a defeat. However, Guizot, a brilliant historian and pacifist, a theorist of the parliamentary regime, who tried to combine the idea of freedom with the idea of order, remained in history as an unpopular and unsuccessful minister. As for Napoleon, he triumphed even after his defeat. He may have won his most important battle, that is, the battle for historical memory. For all his ambiguity, Napoleon remains one of the main national heroes of France. These important questions are the focus of this article.

The article considers the problem how combat experience influenced professional activity in the sphere of medieval studies, based on the case of A. R. Korsunsky (1914–1980). The study draws on documents from the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense (Moscow) and from the Archive of the Medieval Studies Department of the Faculty of History, Moscow State University. The influence of Korsunsky’s combat experience is studied in the context of some clear parallels with the combat biographies of Ernst Kantorowicz and Marc Bloch. Some important tendencies of their scholarly activity can be explained only by this factor. Korsunsky became a volunteer in July, 1941, at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. He participated in the battles of Kursk (1943), of Dnieper River (1943) and the Korsun-Shevchenkovsky offensive (1944). At the same time, his scholarly views were greatly influenced by his experience as a propaganda officer and as an officer of the Political Department of the 1st Guards Army Staff (since 1944). The main result of this experience (both combat and that as staff officer) was to strengthen and consolidate his Marxist vision of historical processes, in spite of his critical attitude towards some aspects of Soviet life. While Korsunsky maintained close links with foreign colleagues and saw his work as part of world scholarship, he, like many other former veterans, remained true to Marxist views to the end of his life.

This is the first Russian commented translation of the treatise about ideal knighthood written by anonymous authors under the direction of Alfonso X the Wise (1252–1284). The text of the treatise was included in the second part (the Second Partida) of the legal code Siete Partidas as a Title, Partid. II.21. The treatise was the first work of the genre composed in the Iberian Peninsula and influenced the famous treatise written by the Catalonian writer Ramon Llull (ca. 1232–1316). The sources of the Castilian text have not been identified; the only possible exception is a treatise, De re militare, written by the Late Roman writer Vegetius in the 4^th century A.D., but its influence on the Castilian treatise (if it really took place) was very limited. Structurally the text of the treatise can be divided into five parts: the introduction (Partid. II.21.1–3), the description of the ideal knight’s character (Partid. II.21.4–10), the description of the accolade (the dubbing) (Partid. II.21.11–16), the rules of chivalrous behaviour in society (Partid. II.21.17–22) and the conclusion (Partid. II.21.23–25). The translation includes commentaries (mainly regarding historical and linguistic details) and an introductory study. The study presents general information about the content of the treatise, its epoch and its genre characteristics, and its historical position among other texts of the same genre, including the famous treatise “In Praise of the New Knighthood” written by Bernard of Clairvaux (1091–1153).

A review of: Aurov, O. V., Ershova, I. V. & Pastushkova, N. A. (Eds.) (2019–2022). Al’fonso X mudryi i sotrudniki. Istoriia Ispanii, kotoruiu sostavil blagorodneishii korol’ don Al’fonso, syn blagorodnogo korolia dona Fernando i korolevy don’i Beatris: Kommentirovannyi perevod po transkriptsii srednevekovogo teksta, osushchestvlennogo Ramonom Menendesom Pidalem (“Pervaia vseobshchaia khronika Ispanii”) [Alfonso X the Wise and collaborators. History of Spain, which was compiled by the most noble King Don Alfonso, the son of the noble King Don Fernando and Queen Dona Beatrice: Commented translation of transcription of the medieval text produced by Ramon Menendez Pidal (“The first universal chronicle”)] (3 Vols., Vol. 1: 2019, 763 p., Vol. 2: 2021, 710 p., Vol. 3: 2022, 727 p.). Nauka. (In Russian).